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Thread: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

  1. #46
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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    Quote Originally Posted by Spectabilis View Post
    There seem to be no entries beyond page 8 on your link. Would you mind posting the link again?
    That seems to be it.

  2. #47
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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    Very innocuous so far. What happened to all the spicy stuff?

  3. #48
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    Harry Browne wrote a terrific article about the Irish cables last year. Found it yesterday for the first time. It deserves wider notice than it has had so far. I can put the whole thing here as it was published 'copy left'

    Ireland’s foreign-affairs minister assured the US ambassador in Dublin in 2006 that the Irish government was prepared to change the law that had allowed the acquittal of five anti-war activists for damaging a US Navy plane.

    The revelation that a senior Irish official discussed possible amendments to domestic criminal law with the US ambassador is contained in a Wikileaks cable (see below) that has not been published or reported upon elsewhere, but which has been seen by Counterpunch.

    At the time of the acquittal of the so-called Shannon Five, or Pitstop Ploughshares, in July 2006, the US embassy made a public statement expressing its disquiet about the verdict. The then foreign minister, Dermot Ahern, responded with what was seen as a firm public statement of his own, underlining the independence of the judicial system and stating that its verdicts were not a matter for discussion by government officials or between governments.

    The cable reveals, however, that a few months later Ahern privately told US officials that the “the Irish Government Cabinet” had been greatly disturbed by the unanimous jury verdict. (The delay between the verdict and this meeting may have been caused by a change-over in US ambassadors.) Ahern told the Americans that the Cabinet had asked the justice minister, Michael McDowell, to examine how the Criminal Damage Act might be amended to close the “legal loophole” that allowed the Shannon Five to be acquitted, so that such a verdict could not happen again. A previously released cable from the same period quotes a senior foreign-affairs bureaucrat telling the Americans the verdict was “bizarre”.

    The five, members of the Dublin Catholic Worker, were acquitted after a trial in which their lawyers relied on the statute’s defense of “lawful excuse” for defendants who damage property in the honest belief that doing so will protect life or property, as long as that belief is reasonable in the circumstances. The law does not explicitly require that the threat to life or property be “immediate”.

    Justice minister McDowell, a notorious right-wing ideologue, lost his parliamentary seat and thus his government post in the election of May 2007, six months after Ahern told US officials McDowell would be seeking to change the law, which has remained unamended.

    These November 2006 discussions of the legalities of the Shannon case are the latest in a series of Wikileaks revelations – some published last autumn, others being reported in Irish print and broadcast media this week – that show Irish officials at pains to help the US in its use of Shannon Airport for military purposes and, perhaps, CIA “extraordinary rendition” flights. Irish bureaucrats even asked US officials for their legal advice about why American planes at Shannon should not be inspected by police here, and said that such advice would be a guide for Irish policy.

    Cables sent from the US embassy over a period of years show Irish officials specifically turning a blind eye to the possibility that rendition flights were landing in the west of this neutral country. Senior Irish politicians appear to have relied on vague assurances from US officials but repeatedly expressed concerns that they would be caught lying to the Irish parliament and people if a rendition flight were discovered at Shannon. In December 2004 Taoiseach (prime minister) Bertie Ahern (no relation to Dermot) told the US ambassador that he had been saying publicly that there were no such flights, and pleaded: “Am I all right on this?”

    American and Irish officials freely acknowledged that the US use of Shannon as a stopover for troops and military equipment was unpopular with the Irish public, especially when the issue of renditions arose, but discussed ways that they could cooperate on managing media and public relations. After the Green Party joined Ireland’s governing coalition in 2007, it insisted on the setting up of a Cabinet sub-committee on human-rights issues, including those raised by Shannon. A US embassy cable correctly identified the subcommittee as a “sop” to the Greens that would cause no trouble to the Americans.

    Like many of the cables from around the world, the Dublin cables so far revealed through Wikileaks show US diplomats effectively united with their local counterparts against a common enemy: the people – whether the people take the form of anti-war activists, jurors or voters in an upcoming election. Cables consistently praise the Irish government for its efforts “in the face of public criticism” on behalf of the US in Shannon, described by ambassador James Kenny in 2004 as “a key transit point for U.S. troops and materiel bound for theatres in the war on terror”.

    A cable written by Kenny in 2006 and published by Wikileaks late last year admits that ”the airport [is] a symbol of Irish complicity in perceived U.S. wrongdoing in the Gulf/Middle East” and that “popular sentiment was manifest in the July 25 jury decision to acquit the ‘Shannon Five,’ a group of anti-war protesters who damaged a U.S. naval aircraft at the airport in 2003.”

    Some of the Wikileaks revelations have received prominent coverage in Ireland, notably in the Irish Independent and Belfast Telegraph newspapers, which have partnered with Wikileaks for a series of well displayed and heavily advertised stories this week. However, neither the newspapers nor state broadcaster RTE, which obtained several Shannon-related cables and reported on them on Thursday evening, have been publishing the cables, merely reporting on extracts, and not always even including the reports on their websites.

    Wikileaks typically itself publishes cables on its own website once they have been reported upon and redacted by its media partners, but at the time of writing only 18 Dublin cables have appeared on the Wikileaks site this week, perhaps delayed because of the newspapers’ print-only policy with many of the stories. I calculate, conservatively, that at least 30 different Dublin cables have been quoted so far this week, but the number is uncertain because they have often been used without specific dates being cited. Neither the print nor broadcast journalists have seen fit to report on the cable discussed above, though I understand both RTE and the Irish Independent have it in their possession.

    The Wikileaks revelations over the last year or so – from the Iraq and Afghan war logs to the diplomatic cables – have revealed a great deal about the operations of governments. They have also revealed some of the profound failings of the mainstream media, which, when they are not denouncing Julian Assange and ignoring Bradley Manning, can be found squabbling over the “exclusives” that those men’s efforts have apparently brought us. There is a long way to go, in Ireland and elsewhere, before this information is truly free.

    Harry Browne lectures in journalism at Dublin Institute of Technology. He is the author of HammeredBytheIrish, a book about the Shannon Five case, published by CounterPunch / AK Press. Contact [email protected]

    The Dublin Cables.
    The associated cables are in the next post

  4. #49
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    Cables accompanying Harry Browne's article above:

    id:84237
    date:2006-11-03T12:58:00
    source:Embassy Dublin
    origin:06DUBLIN1284
    destination:VZCZCXRO8822 RR RUEHAG RUEHROV DE RUEHDL #1284/01 3071258 ZNY CCCCC ZZH R 031258Z NOV 06 FM AMEMBASSY DUBLIN TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 7654 INFO RUCNMEM/EU MEMBER STATES RUEHBL/AMCONSUL BELFAST 0476 RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS
    classification:CONFIDENTIAL
    reference:06DUBLIN1020

    ▶C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 DUBLIN 001284

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/31/2015
    TAGS: PREL, PGOV, MARR, MOPS, PREF…
    ▼ Close cable
    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 DUBLIN 001284

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/31/2015
    TAGS: PREL, PGOV, MARR, MOPS, PREF, EI
    SUBJECT: THE AMBASSADOR AND FOREIGN MINISTER DISCUSS
    SHANNON, NORTHERN IRELAND

    REF: A. DUBLIN 1020

    B. DUBLIN 1172
    C. STATE 172627

    DUBLIN 00001284 001.2 OF 003

    Classified By: Deputy Chief of Mission Jonathan Benton; Reasons 1.4 (B)
    and (D).

    1. (C) Summary. In a November 1 discussion, the Ambassador
    and Foreign Minister Dermot Ahern did a tour d'horizon of key
    bilateral issues. Ahern:

    -- urged bilateral cooperation to avoid "surprises" regarding
    U.S. military use of Shannon Airport;

    -- noted that the Irish Cabinet had charged the Justice
    Minister to review legal loopholes used by the Shannon Five
    to avoid prosecution for damaging a U.S. naval plane in 2003;

    -- said that he did not expect the Northern Ireland Assembly
    to meet the November 24 deadline for nominating an Executive,
    due to the impasse on oath/policing issues;

    -- expressed disappointment with the failure of Northern
    Ireland parties to engage directly on follow-through for the
    St. Andrews Agreement; and,

    -- observed that the Irish Government would continue to lobby
    the USG to regularize the status of undocumented Irish
    citizens resident in the United States.

    2. (C) The Ambassador:

    -- noted appreciation for U.S. military use of Shannon and
    offered the USG's best efforts to avoid missteps;

    -- emphasized the goal of preventing future actions by Irish
    protestors to disrupt U.S. operations at Shannon;

    -- underscored continued USG support for the Northern Ireland
    peace process;

    -- expressed gratitude for the scheduled November 9
    extradition of U.S. citizen Frederick Russell, but cautioned
    that failure to act on other extradition requests could give
    Ireland the image of a criminal haven; and,

    -- observed that movement on Irish concerns about
    undocumented citizens in the United States would be
    difficult. End summary.

    Shannon
    -------

    3. (C) In a November 1 introductory discussion with the
    Ambassador, Foreign Minister Dermot Ahern urged bilateral
    cooperation to avoid "surprises" regarding U.S. military use
    of Shannon Airport. Ahern recalled that the Irish Parliament
    had required him to explain previous U.S. pre-notification
    failures on Shannon transits involving weapons and U.S.
    military prisoners. He was also scheduled to address the
    European Parliament shortly on allegations that Ireland has
    assisted in extraordinary rendition flights, which he planned
    to rebuff on the basis of previous USG assurances on the
    issue. Ahern conceded that the Irish Government was partly
    to blame for missteps at Shannon, as the Department of
    Transport had not previously sought full information on the
    materiel/passengers in transit -- a shortcoming that Ireland
    aimed to correct in the context of global terrorist threats.
    The Ambassador expressed appreciation for U.S. military use
    of Shannon, and he offered the USG's best efforts to avoid
    missteps and to coordinate on any necessary media strategy.
    Ahern noted that the Embassy's public outreach to explain the
    June transit of a Marine prisoner had helped to diffuse
    public criticism over the event.

    4. (C) The Irish court decision to acquit five persons who
    had damaged a U.S. naval plane at Shannon Airport in 2003
    (the so-called "Shannon Five") had seriously disturbed the
    Irish Government Cabinet, Ahern said (ref A). He explained
    that while there were no means to overturn the jury decision,
    the Cabinet had requested Minster for Justice Michael
    McDowell to examine ways to close off legal loopholes
    exploited by defense lawyers (who argued that the defendants
    had sought to prevent loss of life in Iraq). The Ambassador
    emphasized the goal of preventing future actions by Irish
    citizens to disrupt U.S. military operations at Shannon.
    Ahern replied that airport security had been upgraded
    following the Shannon Five verdict and that the protest
    movement appeared to be losing steam, as evident is a
    sparsely attended October 28 rally at Shannon.

    DUBLIN 00001284 002.2 OF 003

    Northern Ireland
    ----------------

    5. (C) Ahern said that he was "reasonably hopeful" about the
    prospects for follow-through on the St. Andrews Agreement,
    but he did not expect the Northern Assembly to meet by the
    November 24 deadline to nominate the First Minister and
    Deputy First Minister, given the impasse over the Executive
    oath on policing. Ahern judged that unionists were
    unreasonable to require a Sinn Fein pledge on policing before
    the party as a whole had authorized this step. On the other
    hand, Sinn Fein had been obstinate in declining to call a
    party conference before November 24, observed Ahern. He
    added that a further complication in negotiations was
    Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) reluctance to engage in
    face-to-face discussions with Sinn Fein on the policing/oath
    hurdle. This reluctance was a regression from late 2004,
    when Sinn Fein and the DUP had substantive, direct contact in
    pursuit of a devolution deal at that time. The Ambassador
    underscored continuing USG willingness to support the peace
    process in every possible capacity.

    6. (C) The Irish Government had no illusions that progress
    on policing as part of the negotiations would be "tortuous,"
    Ahern observed. He recounted serious discrimination by the
    former Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) against nationalists
    across the border from his home county of Louth. He also
    took note of remarks by DUP leader Nigel Dodds and others
    expressing reluctance to allow "former terrorists" within the
    republican community to participate in policing and justice
    structures. Ahern pointed out that the ill-fated 2004
    agreement had pushed the policing issue off to the future and
    that parties remained stalled on this point, although Sinn
    Fein had shown progress on policing cooperation over the past
    year.

    Other Key Issues
    -----------------

    7. (C) The Ambassador and Ahern also discussed briefly the
    following issues:

    A. Extradition. The expected November 9 extradition of U.S.
    citizen Frederick Russell demonstrated Irish willingness to
    work through U.S. extradition requests, said Ahern (ref B).
    He observed that the Irish Government was precluded from
    lobbying the Irish judiciary on extradition issues, making it
    imperative for U.S. federal/state justice officials to
    satisfy the courts' requests for thorough, uniform
    documentation in such cases. He added that Ireland had been
    innately reluctant to transfer criminal suspects to foreign
    jurisdictions, particularly in the 1970-80s when republicans
    involved in the Northern Ireland Troubles would cross the
    border to evade British authorities. The Ambassador
    expressed gratitude for Irish action on the Russell case, but
    cautioned that failure to act on other extradition requests
    could give Ireland the image of a criminal haven.

    B. Undocumented Irish. According to Ahern, Irish officials
    would continue to press the USG for measures to regularize
    the status of up to 50,000 undocumented Irish resident in the
    United States, while recognizing that this Irish segment was
    part of a larger picture of illegal immigration. He said
    that a recent proposal (floated by Irish parliamentarian Tom
    Kitt) for a bilateral agreement that would ease mutual
    entry/residence restrictions for Irish and U.S. nationals
    deserved consideration. The Ambassador noted the
    Administration's sensitivity to long-term undocumented U.S.
    residents who were contributing to their communities, but he
    added that the Congress seemed disinclined at the moment to
    consider any form of amnesty.

    C. Cuba. Ahern committed to discuss with Deputy Prime
    Minister (Tanaiste) and Justice Minister, Michael McDowell,
    the USG request for Ireland to resettle roughly 30 Cuban
    migrants housed in Guantanamo who were determined by DHS to
    have a well founded fear of persecution (ref C). Ahern noted
    that Ireland had recently coordinated with UNHCR to accept
    ten refugees resident in Malta, who had arrived as part of a
    burgeoning flow of African migrants into southern EU Member
    States.

    D. Lebanon. The Ambassador noted that 150 Irish troops had
    arrived in Lebanon on October 30 as part of the expanded
    UNIFIL force, and he expressed appreciation for Ireland's
    contribution. Ahern replied that Ireland's experience in
    UNIFIL and familiarity with local Lebanese communities had
    obliged the Government to contribute troops, even though the
    Taoiseach initially had opposed deployment in view of Irish

    DUBLIN 00001284 003.2 OF 003

    commitments to other UN peacekeeping operations.

    E. IFI. The Irish Government, said Ahern, would lobby
    Congress for continued U.S. support of the International Fund
    for Ireland (IFI), which would help to advance the
    generation-long process of community reconciliation in
    Northern Ireland and Irish border counties. He cited
    Ballymena in Northern Ireland as a community riven by
    sectarianism, as seen in the recent murder of a Catholic
    youth and the reluctance of local unionist politicians to
    work with republican counterparts.

    Participants
    ------------

    8. (SBU) In addition to Foreign Minister Ahern, Irish
    participants included Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA)
    Secretary General Dermot Gallagher and the Minister's Special

    SIPDIS
    Advisor, Ciaran O Cuinn. On the U.S. side, the DCM and
    Pol/Econ Section Chief also took part.
    FOLEY
    ▼ Close cable

  5. #50
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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    3. (C) In a November 1 introductory discussion with the
    Ambassador, Foreign Minister Dermot Ahern urged bilateral
    cooperation to avoid "surprises" regarding U.S. military use
    of Shannon Airport. Ahern recalled that the Irish Parliament
    had required him to explain previous U.S. pre-notification
    failures on Shannon transits involving weapons and U.S.
    military prisoners. He was also scheduled to address the
    European Parliament shortly on allegations that Ireland has
    assisted in extraordinary rendition flights, which he planned
    to rebuff on the basis of previous USG assurances on the
    issue. Ahern conceded that the Irish Government was partly
    to blame for missteps at Shannon, as the Department of
    Transport had not previously sought full information on the
    materiel/passengers in transit -- a shortcoming that Ireland
    aimed to correct in the context of global terrorist threats.
    The Ambassador expressed appreciation for U.S. military use
    of Shannon, and he offered the USG's best efforts to avoid
    missteps and to coordinate on any necessary media strategy.
    Ahern noted that the Embassy's public outreach to explain the
    June transit of a Marine prisoner had helped to diffuse
    public criticism over the event.

    4. (C) The Irish court decision to acquit five persons who
    had damaged a U.S. naval plane at Shannon Airport in 2003
    (the so-called "Shannon Five") had seriously disturbed the
    Irish Government Cabinet, Ahern said (ref A). He explained
    that while there were no means to overturn the jury decision,
    the Cabinet had requested Minster for Justice Michael
    McDowell to examine ways to close off legal loopholes
    exploited by defense lawyers (who argued that the defendants
    had sought to prevent loss of life in Iraq). The Ambassador
    emphasized the goal of preventing future actions by Irish
    citizens to disrupt U.S. military operations at Shannon.
    Ahern replied that airport security had been upgraded
    following the Shannon Five verdict and that the protest
    movement appeared to be losing steam, as evident is a
    sparsely attended October 28 rally at Shannon.
    Fascinating. Belated thanks to Mediabite and Harry Browne.

    Still frustrating that the Irish cables become available in incomplete dribs and drabs, or in controlled soundbites via Irish newspapers.

    Please post here in full any Irish wikileaks cables that you come across.
    “ We cannot withdraw our cards from the game. Were we as silent and mute as stones, our very passivity would be an act. ”
    — Jean-Paul Sartre

  6. #51
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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    There's Eoin Fahy in February 2009. He was on Prime Time Tuesday night spinning the 'green shoots' along with Pat McDonagh of Supermacs.

    ¶8. (C) Eoin Fahy, chief economist at KBC Asset Management, worried that the scandals at Ireland's banks are permanently damaging the country's image as a safe, steady place for financial institutions to do business. He said that the "light touch" regulatory system that has served to draw in these firms will be revamped with the result that firms will leave. Fahy confirmed that the low corporate tax rate is "untouchable" but he worried if this was enough to keep these companies in Ireland (Note: Fahy is on the Commission on Taxation, which was tasked by the government to make recommendations about how to improve the tax code. End Note.) Fahy noted that it is "quite likely" that the Fine Gael leadership knows the identity of "the golden circle" individuals but he is not convinced that the Fianna Fail leadership does. He asked two Cabinet-level Fianna Fail members (who happen to be personal friends) whether they knew the identities. They maintained they did not. Nevertheless, he believes, "this will not end well for the government."
    http://cablegatesearch.net/cable.php...LIN86&q=dublin

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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    What "Golden Circle" was being talked about in 2009 ?
    “ We cannot withdraw our cards from the game. Were we as silent and mute as stones, our very passivity would be an act. ”
    — Jean-Paul Sartre

  8. #53
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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    good spot PJ


    perhaps the mean maple ten as golden circle was just catch all for anyone it was perceived FF are looking after from galway tent to anglo

  9. #54
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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    Quote Originally Posted by Dr. FIVE View Post
    good spot PJ


    perhaps the mean maple ten as golden circle was just catch all for anyone it was perceived FF are looking after from galway tent to anglo

    Yes - Maple 10 sounds like it.
    “ We cannot withdraw our cards from the game. Were we as silent and mute as stones, our very passivity would be an act. ”
    — Jean-Paul Sartre

  10. #55
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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    The Irish court decision to acquit five persons who
    had damaged a U.S. naval plane at Shannon Airport in 2003
    (the so-called "Shannon Five") had seriously disturbed the
    Irish Government Cabinet, Ahern said (ref A). He explained
    that while there were no means to overturn the jury decision,
    the Cabinet had requested Minster for Justice Michael
    McDowell to examine ways to close off legal loopholes
    exploited by defense lawyers (who argued that the defendants
    had sought to prevent loss of life in Iraq). The Ambassador
    emphasized the goal of preventing future actions by Irish
    citizens to disrupt U.S. military operations at Shannon
    who knew before reforming the Seanad, McDowell and FF were bring democracy to Iraq

  11. #56
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    Default Re: Wikileaks American Cables on Ireland.

    Quote Originally Posted by Dr. FIVE View Post
    who knew before reforming the Seanad, McDowell and FF were bring democracy to Iraq
    I wonder was any change to the law made, after that embarrassing verdict ?

    Just came across this cable: the same party very anxious about how well Sinn Fein might be resourced in fighting elections.

    Wednesday, 27 July 2005, 16:10
    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 DUBLIN 000936
    SIPDIS
    LONDON FOR POL AND LEGATT
    EO 12958 DECL: 01/31/2015
    TAGS PREL, EFIN, SOCI, KCRM, EI, NIPP
    SUBJECT: UPDATE ON IRA MONEY-LAUNDERING INVESTIGATION
    REF: A. STATE 104288
    B. DUBLIN 210 C. SOFIA 1108
    Classified By: Deputy Chief of Mission Jonathan S. Benton; Reasons 1.4 (B) and (D).

    Summary

    1. This cable, sent on 27 July 2005 by Jonathan S Benton, deputy chief of mission at the US embassy in Dublin, was a report on the IRA's money laundering operations. It reported that money seized in Dublin and Cork was believed to have come from the £26.5m robbery by the IRA of the headquarters of the Northern Bank in Belfast in December 2004. Key passage highlighted in yellow.
    2. Read related article



    1. (C) Summary: Irish criminal justice officials are convinced that pound sterling notes seized in Dublin and Cork in mid-February in an apparent IRA-tied money-laundering scheme was money stolen from Belfast's Northern Bank. Police are attempting to establish forensic links between the seizures and robbery in order to bring charges by late 2005, with a court case to follow a year later. Irish investigators continue to pursue a possible Bulgarian link to the money-laundering scheme, but are reluctant to provide details on exchanges with Bulgarian counterparts. The Bulgarian Ambassador in Dublin denies any Bulgarian involvement and wishes that Ireland would close off this line of inquiry publicly. Irish officials, more generally, remain concerned that IRA funds acquired through sophisticated investments are seeping into resources available for Sinn Fein's political activities in the Republic of Ireland. Post expects that Irish officials will remain reticent on details of the money-laundering investigation until charges are filed. End summary.
    Linking the Bank Robbery and Money Seizures
    -------------------------------------------
    2. (C) The roughly STG 3 million seized in Dublin and Cork the week of February 14 (ref B) is "beyond doubt" a portion of the STG 26.5 million stolen from Belfast's Northern Bank on December 20, 2004, according to XXXXXXXXXXXX and the Department of Justice, Equality, and Law Reform (DOJ)XXXXXXXXXXXX. XXXXXXXXXXXX related to Emboff the GOI's belief that up to 16 individuals questioned by Garda (police) in connection with the seizures were attempting to launder the stolen proceeds on behalf of the Provisional IRA (PIRA). This belief was based on information provided by Garda intelligence assets and by "walk-ins" who, in some instances, voluntarily turned over cash that they had been asked to hide (STG 300,000 in one case). While intelligence pointed clearly to a money-laundering operation, the challenge was to build forensic ties between the money seized and the stolen Northern Bank notes in order to support a court conviction. XXXXXXXXXXXX said that Garda, led by the Criminal Assets Bureau, were still attempting to establish forensic links through the tracking system used by the Northern Bank for bank note bundles in its possession at the time of December robbery.
    3. (C) If such ties could be established before autumn, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), James Hamilton, would be in a position to bring money-laundering charges by late 2005 against a number of those questioned, said XXXXXXXXXXXX. (To date, no one has been charged, except a XXXXXXXXXXXX, who was charged with membership in the IRA, an illegal organization. XXXXXXXXXXXX Once charges are brought, it would likely take a year to begin the court case. XXXXXXXXXXXX noted that Hamilton could possibly opt for a special non-jury criminal court consisting of three judges, an option that was sometimes used for cases involving unlawful organizations like the IRA. When Emboff asked who would likely face charges, XXXXXXXXXXXX replied that, of those brought in for Garda questioning, no one had been ruled out as beyond suspicion XXXXXXXXXXXX He added that the operative legislation in the case would likely be the Proceeds of Crime Act of 1997, rather than the Criminal Justice Act of 2005, since the latter focused primarily on terrorism.
    4. (C) In separate discussions with the Ambassador, DCM, and Emboffs, XXXXXXXXXXXX said that investigations into the money-laundering case could still take several months, as police used DNA and other scientific techniques to pursue a connection to the Northern Bank raid. He commented that the money-laundering operation had been poorly conducted, due most likely to the unexpected size of the bank haul. Investigators were focused primarily on Ted Cunningham and XXXXXXXXXXXX
    -----------------------
    XXXXXXXXXXXX
    6. (C) XXXXXXXXXXXX XXXXXXXXXXXX
    -----------------------------------
    7. (C)XXXXXXXXXXXX
    ---------------------------------
    8. (C) More generally, the DOJ and Garda continue to be concerned that money illegally acquired by the IRA was "seeping" into resources available for Sinn Finn's political activities in the Republic of Ireland, said the DOJXXXXXXXXXXXX. The difficulty lay in documenting the mixing of such funds. XXXXXXXXXXXX noted that the Standards in Public Office Commission (SIPO) was similarly concerned that political donations obtained by Sinn Fein in the United States and elsewhere overseas were being spent in the South. (Under a 2002 SIPO ruling, Sinn Fein can accept donations from non-Irish citizens in foreign countries, but only for activities outside the Republic of Ireland, i.e., in Northern Ireland.) He noted that the DOJ would be interested to see whether and how the IRA might address criminality in its expected response to Sinn Fein PresidentGerry Adams' call for an end to republican paramilitarism. XXXXXXXXXXXX added that the awaited IRA statement would have no bearing on the money-laundering case or other investigations into possible IRA crimes committed since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.
    9. (C) XXXXXXXXXXXX commented that IRA money was constantly moving, flowing from diversified sources into wide-ranging investments.While the IRA had been proficient in smuggling, robbery, and racketeering since the 1970s, the Celtic Tiger economic boom of the 1990s had prompted the IRA to diversify into more sophisticated business enterprises. IRA investments now included real estate ventures in Dublin, London, and Spanish resort areas, handled by apparently respectable businessmen. XXXXXXXXXXXX also expressed concern about the commingling of ill-gotten IRA funds with Sinn Fein's political coffers in the Republic of Ireland. The irony, XXXXXXXXXXXX explained, was that Sinn Fein was already raising substantial sums for its political activities in the South through legal avenues. He pointed out, for example, that Sinn Fein conducted at least 60 fund-raisers in the South per week for its electoral war chest.
    Comment: GOI Reticence
    ----------------------
    10. (C) XXXXXXXXXXXX made clear to Emboffs that the ongoing investigation into the money-laundering case constrained their ability to provide more information, as the lack of detail in their observations bears out. We expect that GOI officials will remain reticent until charges are actually filed, a step that may also be delayed by continuing investigations into the Northern Bank robbery itself. Garda and DOJ representatives are also likely to continue to be quiet in public and in discussions with us regarding funding of Sinn Fein,s activities in the Republic of Ireland. As a political force in the South, Sinn Fein has limited reach, but is seen as the most well-organized and best-funded party. Competing parties, including the governing Fianna Fail party, are anxious to ensure that Sinn Fein members/supporters abide by Irish law and are subject to public scrutiny when they do not. Both the Garda (traditionally tough on the republican movement writ large, due to its terrorist connections) and political levels of the government will be careful to avoid the public perception that any legal pursuit of Sinn Fein/IRA-tied personalities in the South is politically connected. KENNY

    http://www.theguardian.com/world/us-...ocuments/37460
    “ We cannot withdraw our cards from the game. Were we as silent and mute as stones, our very passivity would be an act. ”
    — Jean-Paul Sartre

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